Comments:BNV bilos-tegi ‘sheep-fold’ and BZK billos-narru ‘lamb’s hide’ indicate earlier *biloć, which could have been altered to *bildoć after *ordoć ‘boar’ (q.v.), or the like. Analysis is then *bil-oć (cf. Bur. *bél-is ‘ewe’), with *-l- (stem-final reflex) rather than the usual intervocalic reflex *-rd-.
Comments:Some have thought this northeastern word to be a phonetic variant of *bisar̄ ‘beard’ (q.v.), but this is impossible phonetically: ZBR has bízar ‘beard’ opposed to bíder ‘chin’. *bi=rder̄ dissimilated > *bi=der̄; cf. *a=rdar̄ > *a=dar̄ ‘horn’ (q.v.).
Comments:Phonetically possible (Bsq *h = PSC *k) if we posit a deglottalized initial such as PSC *kwĭc̣Ĕ, with secondary glottalization in PNC. Michelena (1961) identifies this word with Aquitanian Bihoxus (a name).
Comments:Forms with m-, mu- and -x- /š/ have been altered by expressive changes. Forms like PVSV 'cat' are widespread in the world, but in this case they could reflect an archaic SC word for 'wild cat' or 'marmot'. Note that they are found in the remote Pyrenean dialects (SAL, BZT).
High Navarrese:(South) bortz, (North) bost, (Lezaka) borz
Low Navarrese:bost, (Garazi) bortz
Salazarese:bortz
Lapurdian:bortz
Baztanese:borz
Aezkoan:bortz
Zuberoan:bost
Roncalese:bost, bortz, (Ustárroz) borz
Comments:*borc and *bośt seem to reflect original allomorphs: *borc in final position and *bośt before an affix? Cf. the variation of -rc- vs. -śt- in *ɦerce ~ *ɦeśte 'intestine', and a few other cases.
Comments:Bsq *=ardi-n, corresponding to PEC *=ăƛ_wVn 'to resemble, similar' (with changing class prefixes). Bsq has generalized the prefix b=.
Proto-Basque:*b=elc
Meaning:1 black 2 sad
Bizkaian:baltz 1
Gipuzkoan:beltz, belz 1
High Navarrese:beltz 1
Low Navarrese:belz 1, 2
Salazarese:beltx 1, 2
Lapurdian:beltz, belz 1, 2
Baztanese:belz 1
Zuberoan:beltx, beltz 1, 2
Roncalese:beltx 1, (Uztárroz) belz 1
Comments:In BNV, ZBR, RNC beltz was originally the unmarked form, beltx the diminutive. According to Larrasquet (1939) beltx is now the usual form and beltz has an augmentative nuance. Cf. Bsq *i=cal 'shadow' and PSC *Hč̣ōlV̄ 'black', if *belc < *b=elc.
Comments:Cf. PNC *=VršĒ 'to rot, ferment'. Bsq has a fossilized class prefix *b=, with the /b/ lost in most dialects by the common change of /bu/ > /u/. Suffix *-l, as in Bsq *mardu-l 'robust' ~ Kryz miɣi-l 'male', etc.
Comments:Cf. the similar phonetic development of *buɫhar̄ 'breast, chest' < *burha-r̄ < *Gwălɦē. Cf. also ZBR bürhói 'brusque, rude'; ? (with -l- preserved) (ZBR-arc) bilha-ka ‘fight, struggle’, bilha-kaide ‘fight, discord’; ‘hatred, enmity, quarrel, argument’. The relationship of RNC irago, idago 'cry, clamor' and GIP irao is unclear - a different etymon contaminated with *bur(a)ho?
Comments:This word resembles Indo-European words for 'birch', but cannot be derived phonetically from any of them. Cf. Lezgi werχ < *wē[r]qwV, and another similar root, PEC *mħĕrqwĕ 'birch, wood, timber'. The usual change of *bu > /u/ was only partially carried through, mainly in the west. The t- in Zigoitia is very odd: Michelena suggested a series of assimilations such as turki < *kurki < *gurki < *burki. GIP epurki seems to have a fossilized prefix.
Comments:Trask (1995, 1997) discusses whether *burar or *bular is original, noting Michelena (1961) suggested *burar. 'chest' appears to be the original meaning ... also used for 'female breast' ... specialized in this sense in Gipuzkoan" (Trask 1997). A development of *burha-r̄ > *buɫha-r̄ is also possible in this model.
